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Video: The Iconic Brandenburg Speeches Obama Must Live Up To

Back in 2008, Barack Obama's rollicking overseas tour hit a snag. The Democratic presidential candidate, James Mann later wrote in The Obamians, wanted to deliver a speech at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin that would showcase his widespread popularity in Europe and capacity to rehabilitate America's reputation abroad. But Randy Scheunemann, John McCain's foreign policy advisor, was having none of it. He quickly lodged a complaint with German Chancellor Angela Merkel's staff.

"He questioned why the German government was allowing its most revered symbol, the Brandenburg Gate, to be used for one of the two major-party candidates in an American political campaign," Mann noted. "Merkel apparently agreed with this argument; she soon made clear in public her disapproval." Obama got the message, and spoke before 200,000 ecstatic Germans at the city's Tiergarten instead.

On Wednesday, Obama finally gets his chance to speak at the Brandenburg Gate, where he will reportedly call for the United States and Russia to reduce their nuclear stockpiles by a third. But delivering an address from the famous gate, which dates back to the 18th century and has come to symbolize Germany's Cold War division and reunification, is no easy task. Not only has the monument witnessed pivotal moments such as the 1989 meeting of West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and East German Prime Minister Hans Modrow, but it has also played host to two landmark speeches by U.S. presidents. 

Here's a look back at how Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton left their mark on Brandenburg.

In 1987, Ronald Reagan famously implored Mikhail Gorbachev to "tear down this wall" (11 minutes into the video). Reagan also broke into German, a virtual requirement for U.S. presidents speaking in Berlin following John F. Kennedy's iconic "Ich bin ein Berliner" speech in 1963, delivered in front of the West Berlin mayor's office. 

In 1994, five years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Bill Clinton memorably proclaimed "Berlin is free" (9 minutes into the clip).

No pressure today, Mr. President. 

MIKE SARGENT/AFP/Getty Images

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Michael Hastings, 1980-2013

We're learning tonight that Michael Hastings -- the 33-year-old journalist whose 2010 Rolling Stone profile of a remarkably unguarded Gen. Stanley McChrystal cost the top commander in Afghanistan his job -- died in a tragic car crash on Tuesday morning in Los Angeles. Hastings may be best known for exposing McChrystal's critical views of the Obama administration, but he also painted memorable portraits of Gen. David Petraeus and American prisoner of war Bowe Bergdahl (a blunt, aggressive, and controversial reporter, Hastings also got in the occasional sparring match with the State Department).

Earlier in his short but accomplished career, Hastings covered the Iraq war for Newsweek, eventually writing a book about the death of his fiancée, Andi Parhamovich, in a car bombing in Baghdad. A year before Parhamovich was killed, Hastings wrote an article for Foreign Policy on the importance of cell phones in the war-torn country. As we remember Hastings's work, his dispatch is worth a read:

The single most important tool in Iraq is not a Kalashnikov rifle or an armored Humvee, but a cell phone. U.S. and Iraqi officials usually have at least two on them at all times. Mishaan Jabouri, a Sunni politician, lists seven telephone numbers on his business card, four of them cell phones. Iraq's landline telephone network was largely destroyed during the 2003 invasion, so officials rely heavily on mobile phones to communicate. "It's a very dangerous situation, and Iraqis are extremely worried and anxious," says Naguib Sawiris, CEO of Orascom Telecom, which runs Iraq's largest cell phone provider, Iraqna. "They need to communicate, to know whether their wife or son came home from work safely."

That has made cell phones, along with air conditioners and automobiles, one of the hottest commodities in the country. The three companies that landed exclusive licenses in 2003 are reaping huge profits. Iraqna, for instance, which covers primarily Baghdad, posted $160 million in revenues in the first half of 2005, quadrupling its subscriber base to 1.1 million. "It's a very lucrative, risky investment," says Wael Ziada, a Cairo-based telecom analyst.

But the success of Iraq's cell phone network is remarkable not for its huge financial returns, but because cell service in Mesopotamia is so bad. Networks are plagued by outages. Insurgents blow up cell phone towers. And when insurgents aren't destroying the infrastructure, the U.S. military is jamming Iraq's networks to stymie fighters who use cell phones to detonate bombs. U.S. convoys are routinely equipped with at least one classified system for jamming cell phones. Before big events, such as an election or referendum, it's normal for the military to block cell phone signals on a larger scale. (American personnel often have a more reliable back-up phone that runs on a private, secure cell network operated by MCI on a Department of Defense contract worth more than $30 million. The numbers come with the 914 area code from Westchester, New York.)

Still, phone shops are as ubiquitous as kabob stands, and investment keeps pouring into Iraq. One provider, MTC-Atheer, recently announced it was investing an additional $430 million in the country. Further proof that, even in the world's most dangerous market, the demand for technology can still trump terror.

Paul Morigi/Getty Images for The Guardian